There is no genocide committed by Serb forces in Kosovo.

The NATO leaders will pay for their crimes against humanity following the unlawful killing of civilians in Yugoslavia and Kosovo.

if NATO will win this war (and just a miracle can stop this...) that will be the end of the world as we know it.
I believe that the attack of the westerner journalist in Kosovo is intended : NATO don't want another opinion to be heard, much more if that opinion is vehiculated by a western journalist. The only truth NATO want to be heard is :
Serbs are bad !
NATO are good !
What a shame !!!!

"THE END OF THE WORLD AS WE KNOW IT"

GOOD !
A world that started this century
with wars spreading from the Balkans
culminating with Genocide by Hitler's bunch.

Its about time we rid ourselves
of "the world as we know it".
It hoped it had happened 50 years ago.
But 10 years ago the SERBS start again,
in the Balkans, with Genocide, concentration camps,
deportation, et cetera.

10 YEARS AGO
Read again : 10 YEARS !
Understand : LONG BEFORE NATO INVOLVEMENT !

SERBS have been violating and butchering.
rape, kill, pillage and burn
roaming the Balkans in freedom - at will.

But FINALLY the bully is bullied.
Now the bully wants to cry.
What do you expect? Sympathy?
HA!

Face real armies and run like chicken.
Now you use human shields.
Cowards.
Face real soldiers and now you cry abuse.

"Sympathy" you'll find somewhere
between "syphillis" and "sh-t".

NATO is 10 years too late.
You must have been stopped 10 years ago.
But now you WILL be stopped ....
BY WHATEVER MEANS NECESSARY

Unconditional surrender - that is all.

If not, then BOMBED TO BITS.
But you WILL BE STOPPED.
Good always wins over evil.

Glad to see that
you finally feel what it is like
to be at the receiving end.

GO NATO !
PLEASE LET THIS BE THE END OF
"the world as we know it".

Mr/Mrs. "Stop War"

Maybe you didn't see the start of this movie.
Let me fill you in.

It did not start with NATO's involvement.
10 YEARS AGO Croats and Bosnians started
accusing Serb aggressors of BRUTALITY.

10 years ago NATO nor US was involved.
Both tried to stay out.
US said : "not my problem"
EUROPEANS said : "Let them kill each other off".

The reports you refer to as NATO/US "propaganda"
started reaching the free press 10 years ago.
No NATO / no US.
Yet, the SERBS never cared to deny the accusations.

Nick : "There is no genocide committed by Serb forces in Kosovo".
Keep Nick's famous statement in your files, guys.
We are going to have a lot of fun with it
.... sooner than you think.

Even Nick's Russia has ABANDONED Milosovic.
The Russians have seen the evidence.
Not even they can rationalize with this entity. Yet Nick and Co., defend him to death.
It must be the French perfume ...

Of course, slow learners need time.

Nick:

New world order=NATO? No! you got it all wrong.
New world order=666=kingdom of the antichrist, one world religion, one world government, the very devil himself. It's going to be a whole lot worse than NATO. He'll set up his image in Jerusalem, and anyone who refuses to worship that image gets his head chopped off. You think NATO is bad? Just wait a while.
But there's a better way. Jesus died on the cross for your sins and the sins of the whole world. Receive Him now as your Lord and Savior and you won't be here when all this happens. You'll be with Jesus, in a far better place.

4 those who want to make a difference AGAINST NATO
take a look and sign at :
http://www.nato-warcrimes.gr/

PS i wonder how that journalist from UK, Eve-Ann Prentice, escaped without beeing raped, eyes taked out and with her ears uncut, when she was in the hands of "those serbs"...

Mr. "Jack London" (would be "jack the ripper")

Jack, i don't know what kind of movies u liked... I suppose bloody ones !
Anyway, what seems to be 4 u a "happy end", 4 me is "the end of the world as we know it" and much more than that. It will be the end of HOPE. The HOPE that we, normal people, can have a say in that world...

PS btw, your predictions from the beggining of the agression of Nato against Yugoslavia didn't materialize ! Try again !

THE LIBERTARIAN ENTERPRISE
Number 47, May 30, 1999


Answering the Interventionists

by Michael R. Allen
sdtimes@anet-stl.com

Special to The Libertarian Enterprise

I do not think I would be entirely unjustified if I simply threw my hands up in despair. But
possessing a calm demeanor, I will take time and patience to answer the arguments of those favoring
intervention into Yugoslavia. I have received lately a multitude of mail on the subject, mainly from those
sharing my noninterventionist belief in at least this incident.
Those who write me to express support of the status quo in Serbia, or to go further and
recommend the use of ground troops, are also writing. In an effort to respond to their concerns in brief, I
have prepared the following question-and-answer section.
Aren't you being hypocritical by opposing this war? After all, Nixon wasted troops on the
endless Vietnam War and Bush recommended this same policy against Milosevic as early as 1989.
This is the most irksome thought that is being expressed by readers of my articles as well as many
liberal journalists. This allegation presupposes that all noninterventionists are on the right wing, and that
all on the right have supported Nixon, Bush, and Reagan's foreign adventures. First, numerous leftist
critics of this policy have emerged - the same critics who vocally opposed Republican support of the
military-industrial complex.
Second, libertarians and Old Right-style conservatives have always opposed war, be it waged by
Dwight Eisenhower or Bill Clinton. Right-wing opposition to militarism goes back even farther than
H.L. Mencken's opposing the first and second World Wars. While Pat Buchanan may have yet to recant
his support for the Vietnam War, others have consistently supported nonintervention based on principles
of natural rights and constitutional law: Rep. Ron Paul of Texas, Lew Rockwell, Justin Raimondo, and
Charley Reese are among this group.
Isn't isolationism "cancer" as Madeleine Albright asserts?
Ms. Albright's "isolationism" is a dirty word; "noninterventionist" is preferred by war opponents
nowadays. Isolationism of the military sort is totally consistent with a love of country and adherence to
non-aggression in affairs which are of no business to the would-be aggressor. It is a humane policy, and
one influenced by the failure of foreign intervention in this century. Albright uses the term to smear her
opponents when debate would prove too rigorous for her.
Don't you have any compassion for the Kosovars who want independence? Why don't you
oppose the evil Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic?
I support secession anytime it is tried, unlike those who only support it for Kosovo. Of course, I
will not necessarily support the new entity created by secession. An independent Kosovo would likely be
as tragic for human rights as Yugoslavia has been; it would be an ethnically pure state. I thought
Milosevic is loathed for trying to create the same thing.
I do not attempt to label Milosevic an admirable man, though I admit I have sympathy for anyone
being bombed into the ground. I see in the NATO bombings of Serbia ruthless punishment of private
citizens for the actions of this tyrant. Many of the people in Serbia are not enamored of their leader, and
have fought for freedom. They surely cannot be held accountable for the mass murders being committed
by their government.
Bombing "military targets" is a rather odd way to prevent killing. The NATO policy has resulted
in the deaths of another ethnic group and has heightened Milosevic's reign of tyranny. This sort of policy
is the same one being pursued in Iraq, with similar results.
NATO and American leaders are not intentionally killing Serbians. Why are they blamed
directly for civilians killed by bombings?
I cannot believe anyone would bomb a nation repeatedly without considering once that a single
innocent person would die. Even if one accepts the notion that a "clean" (i.e. free of civilian casualty)
bombing of a military facility is possible, that same person likely could not accept that willful bombing of
a television studio building would be similarly "clean."
Isn't President Clinton the same man who blames Phillip Morris for lung cancer? By that causal
relationship, he can easily be held accountable for the deaths of Serbian citizens. Even by a reality-based
cause and effect inquiry one must hold him accountable for the killings when he still pressed for war
after the television studio and civilian convoy incidents. The British reprobate Tony Blair is even more
morally at fault, justifying the deaths at the studio by declaring the third-rate channel broadcast from
there as part of the military effort of Milosevic.
Was not Nixon held accountable for his actions by Congressmen Robert Drinan and John
Conyers, both of whom wanted to impeach him for the Cambodian invasion? The executive cannot
escape moral fault for allowing his army to kill the innocent.
Additional blame can be placed on NATO for the harm inflicted on the environment by a huge
cloud of poisonous gas developing from the bomb blasts in Yugoslavia.
Isn't the President supposed to be in charge of foreign policy?
Not according to the U.S. Constitution. Under Article One, Section Eight can be found the direct
power given to Congress to "declare war" (clause eleven) and to "raise and support armies" (clause 12).
The President is Commander-in-Chief of the military that Congress raises and directs. The historical
precedent established after World War II has all but erased the declared war, but the Constitution
remains as clear as ever.
Rep. Tom Campbell of California attempted to get Congress to vote either to properly declare war
or to remove forces from Yugoslavia. I hope he succeeds in his follow-up effort, a lawsuit against the
administration.
We have to win this war now that we are in it. Can't you see that?
No, I really can't see that argument's logic. If something is unjustified and immoral, such as
physical rape, one does not have to see it completed to stop it in progress. This war should be
immediately ended so that Serbs can sleep easier and rebuild their nation and American can regain some
of its tarnished reputation.
This isn't another Vietnam. How can one compare that war to intervention into this civil war?
The situations are indeed different. However, as with the Vietnam War, there has been no threat to
American borders by the "enemy" as well as no formal declaration of war. And, as soon as there are too
many body bags coming home to ignore, this war will likely be as popular as the Vietnam War.
Why are you being un-American? It is your duty to support the commander-in-chief of our
military.
Ha! This implies the Germans had a moral duty to stand by Hitler. Any leader who completely
ignores the U.S. Constitution deserves no confidence. It is very patriotic to defend the ideals of the
Founders against today's politicians who trample on them.
What are you going to do to oppose the war besides complain?
Keep complaining.


Michael R. Allen is Editor-in-Chief and Publisher of SpinTech and an associate editor of Right Magazine.

TO DANIELA.
I would like to correct you on some muslim rules.According to you they come out of the Qu'ran.But you did not get them quite right.

1)A man is not allowed 4 wifes just for his need of progreation, but only to take on more then 1 wife cause they can't provide for themselfs, foodwise etc
It became a culture habite to interpretre it like that

2) Divorse is allowed just bring to female witnesses if your female and 4 if your a man.This streght from the Qu'ran.
Not doing it like it is writtin in the Qu'ran is also the result of cultural changes and the effect of that.It does not "only" count for Albanian Muslims. As there are enough christian Albanian people.

3)to marry off girls under 18 is now forbidden, due to a sha'ri'a.

4) then there is something else you pretent that all Albanian people are muslim in Kosovo "only" 30% of the Albanians was Muslim.Even the mojority of the Albanian people are christians.

5)You speak about high birthrates under muslim Albanians, strickt christians as up today have the same high birthrate, cause the pope does still not allow the pill or condoms to be used.

6)Of course fornow there is a majority of Albanian people in Macedonia they fled their in the awaiting to return home.IF there is something to return too......

7)Since when is Musselini a sultan? Musselini was just Hitlers puppet in WW2

8) Jihad does not excist in Albania.Goes nobody declared either a jihad(which is not only a terrorist movement)or a fatwa on anybody.

9) Rugova is not uck. uck walk around with guns like maja once said "if you want freedom fight for it" Rugova is a leader of an elected political movement.

Emina

TO DANIELA.
I have another question. Why do christian people eat porkmeat while also in the bible it sais that they should not.Just curious thats all?

Emina

To Daniela

You are mistaken about all your Muslim-prejudice. Religion has nothing to do with this war, or any other war. War is about power. Religion and religious prejudice, like you are showing is used as a tool to get people to a state of fighting.

So, engaging in religious prejudice like this one only shows you like so many others, fell into that trap.

Furthermore, if you write something about religion, please take care that you get your facts right. Now, your piece only served as lunch time laughter.

Zoja

YUGOSLAV TROOPS DETAIN SFOR PEACEKEEPERS. An unspecified
number of Yugoslav soldiers entered Bosnia near Rudo on
the border with Serbia, took six NATO peacekeepers with
them back into Serbia, and detained the SFOR men for
about eight hours before releasing them, AP reported
from Sarajevo on 28 May. A NATO spokesman said that some
of the men had been mistreated. He added that "the
Yugoslav violation of Bosnian sovereignty is a breach of
the Dayton Peace Agreement."

---

Slob Milo is losing and he knows it. Only he is such a sore loser, that he tries to stir up the war in Bosnia again. The fact that here are still Milo puppets in the free world, only inidcates they are fools to believe in this dictator.

JUST LOCK HIM UP AND THROW AWAY THE KEY. PUT MLADIC AND KARADIC AND ARKAN IN THE CELLS NEXT TO HIS AND LEAVE THEM THERE TO ROT. THEN THE WORLD WILL BE A BETTER PLACE.

Zoja

New Identity Card Seen as Way to Bar
Kosovo Refugees' Return

By R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, May 31, 1999; Page A18=20

SKOPJE, Macedonia, May 30=97The three heavily armed policemen came
knocking at 8:15 a.m. a few weeks ago at a house on Gavran Street in the
center of the Kosovo city of Gnjilane.

They sat down at the kitchen table with green forms in hand and demanded
that Isuf, the 38-year-old homeowner, help them create a detailed record
of the ages and birthplaces of everyone who lived there.

After 45 minutes of questioning, they gave Isuf and the other seven
members of his family special residency cards with an official stamp in the
corner. They said that without these cards, the family was not entitled to
stay in Gnjilane. They warned that anyone who was not registered could
be killed. Then they moved on to the house next door.

Similar scenes have unfolded recently in cities throughout Kosovo as
Yugoslavia's policy of "ethnic cleansing" -- expelling or killing hundreds=
of
thousands of ethnic Albanians -- moves into a new phase. In the view of
Western human rights experts here and in Albania, it is no less ominous
than earlier phases.

After being pursued for two months by forces employed by the army and
the Interior Ministry, the government's program has been turned over to
bureaucrats. They are now creating a detailed accounting of who lives in
Kosovo -- the first since 1981 -- thereby trying to streamline and simplify
the task of deciding who can stay and who must leave.

The patterns of the new displacement are already evident: Only those who
still have identification cards and other documents issued before March 20
can obtain new residency cards. This leaves out hundreds of thousands of
people whose identity papers were destroyed by police or left behind
when they were forced to flee their homes. None of these people will be
able to return if the government's new policy sticks.

In addition, police are requiring that the new cards be obtained in the
towns where residents lived before March 20. Since many of these towns
were burned to the ground by government forces or lie behind the battle
lines that still exist between Yugoslav troops and separatist rebels, this=
rule
excludes hundreds of thousands of additional ethnic Albanians from
meeting the new residency requirements.

Those who were expelled from their villages in Kosovo and fled into the
mountains before migrating back to major cities in search of food are not
entitled to stay in these cities, police have told them.=20

And if they must move from the cities, the only path open to most of them
is to head for neighboring Albania or Macedonia, according to dozens of
refugees interviewed after their arrival at camps here.

Coupled with recent claims by top Yugoslav officials that Kosovo never
had more than 800,000 ethnic Albanians -- roughly a million fewer than
Western governments said were there before hostilities broke out last year
-- the new registration cards create a pretext for the government to bar
reentry, Western officials say. Kosovo is a province of Serbia,
Yugoslavia's dominant republic.

"It's a way to complicate" the return of ethnic Albanians to their previous
homes, said Sandra Mitchell, human rights director at the Kosovo
Verification Mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe (OSCE). "It could complicate citizenship and identification. It
could contaminate and pollute any kind of existing property records or
election database that exists. . . . It's a pattern that we've seen in other
conflicts that Milosevic was involved in."

Although the registration effort has been underway for weeks, the details
have emerged only in the past few days from refugees trickling across the
Macedonian and Albanian borders.=20

As a result, monitors still do not know how many people are affected by
the change. Qamile Sadiku, 34, said, for example, that the police came to
his home in Urosevac two weeks ago to tell him that he must register the
eight members of his family "or leave. . . . We didn't have any choice."

Many refugees interviewed here and in Albania say they fled rather than try
to obtain the cards, because they feared the prospect of a face-to-face
meeting with Serbian officials. Although fighting between rebels and troops
has diminished in many cities, such meetings can get out of hand, according
to refugees.

After hiding in basements for weeks, "a lot of men went to get this
document and were sent to the prison" after being stopped by police on
the street, said Isuf as he stood in line to register for a food card at the
Brazda refugee camp.=20

He said he had obtained the identity card but fled with his family anyway,
because "we were afraid that once they knew everything about us, they
could just take people to the prison -- fighting-age men."

Alistair Brown, a human rights monitor for OSCE, confirmed that "some
people are leaving because they do not want to register their details. "That
itself is a form of coercion to start pushing people out . . . without going=
to
one of the extreme measures."

For example, Hyra Haxholli, 43, who lived on Proleter Street on the north
side of the Kosovo capital of Pristina before fleeing to Macedonia, said
she had decided not to get the registration card "because of my sons,"
aged 15 and 17. "Then they made me leave because we didn't have the
card. They said that if we don't have all the people who are here
registered, we will kill you. The policeman knew us, and he said that if he
ever saw anyone running away [in an effort to elude detection], he will
shoot."

Many refugees have said that the demands for registration cards came after
police had already made several visits to their homes -- first to see who
was there, and then to write down the names of any relatives or refugees.

The card lists a resident's name, birth date, birthplace, address and
neighborhood. Every member of a family -- even babies less than a year
old -- must have one.

In Pristina, residents were ordered to pick up the card at a bank on the
city's main street, where police moved after NATO warplanes bombed
their headquarters. Outside the entrance is a policeman who admits only
those who still have documents proving their residency in Pristina before
the war, said Selami Gashi, 34.=20

He was unable to get one, and fled in fear. "They are cleansing Pristina,"=
he
explained.=20

=A9 Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company

THE NEW YORK TIMES

May 31, 1999

THE POWER COUPLE

The First Lady of Serbia Often Has the Last Word

By STEVEN ERLANGER

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- The Yugoslav President, Slobodan
Milosevic, and four of his top associates have now been
indicted for war crimes in Kosovo. But by all accounts here,
the person with the most influence over him is his dreamy and
complicated wife, Mirjana Markovic, whose lifelong sense of
persecution will intensify with this new threat to her husband and
family.

The entire point of NATO's air war against Yugoslavia, now more
than two months old, has been to bomb Milosevic into changing his
mind about Kosovo. If that is to succeed, current and past friends of
the couple suggest, then Ms. Markovic, who denounced NATO
before the bombing even began, will have to change her mind too.

Milosevic and his wife are both inseparable and indissoluble. They
were lonely children of unhappy families who met in high school
and created their own, singular world, which they have proceeded
to defend at any cost to ideology, to friendship or even to their own
people.

At the moment, say those who claim to know them still, Milosevic
is calm and deliberate, willing to negotiate over Kosovo but
confident that the Serbs will resist a NATO invasion and occupation
"from behind every blade of grass," as they resisted the Nazis.

But some of those who have known the couple, and those who
have been dropped or discarded, believe that Ms. Markovic will feel
cornered, judging that the indictment has made this war
intensely personal. Some say they fear that she will drive her
husband, using what they consider to be her malign and
absolute influence over him, to take the entire country over the
cliff.

"The West should either settle on good terms or go after him now,
hard; otherwise, this indictment is a goad to final war," said one such
individual, who like everyone when asked about the ruling couple
here, in wartime, asked for anonymity.

"They won't surrender," the individual continued. "They'll
defend themselves. Even in chess, the pawns die before the
king and queen."

Others consider this picture of a weak, beholden husband and a
scheming, malevolent wife, a Balkan Lady Macbeth, to be an
insulting caricature that underestimates Milosevic's own talents of
fearlessness and decisiveness, which have given him unrivaled
power here.

Yet Ms. Markovic, now 57, herself believes that she has both formed
her husband and driven him to his current perch, even as she has
bemoaned his boyhood decision to study law. According to her
biography and articles she wrote in the Belgrade weekly Duga, she
wanted him to take on "the more beautiful and romantic occupation"
of an architect. She blames him for letting her study sociology and
become a university professor rather than pushing her toward
literature, which she says is her real love.

Ms. Markovic, wrote her hagiographer and friend, Ljiljana
Habjanovic-Djurovic, "always openly and boldly claimed that he
would have been quite different without her, worse in every respect,
and that everything good about him came from her and that
everything that is not good is where her influence didn't reach."

Their bond was forged in loneliness and family tragedy. His mother
was a teacher who, ambitious for her son in the new Communist
world, divorced his father, a teacher who trained to be a priest. Both
parents committed suicide when he was a young man. His mother
disliked the young Mirjana Markovic, and when Milosevic and a friend
cut her down after she hanged herself, Milosevic is said to have told
him: "She never forgave me for Mira."

A Life Framed by Mother's Execution

Ms. Markovic's mother, a Partisan fighter in World War II, was
reviled for confessing under Gestapo torture and giving up
the names of key Communist officials, including an
undercover agent. She was executed when her daughter was 2.

Not surprisingly, Ms. Markovic has fiercely defended her mother,
and when Milosevic rose in the 1980's to the top of the Communist
Party in Serbia, all documents about the case disappeared.

Ms. Markovic, her life marked by tragedy, is full of contradictions.
She claims to detest nationalism and feels no responsibility for the
nationalist wars that broke up Yugoslavia; she is the founder and
chief ideologist for the modern Marxist party called the Yugoslav
United Left, yet has allowed it to become a form of mafia that
distributes favors and concessions to rich and well-connected
businessmen; her associates say that she demands complete loyalty
even though she says she detests flattery, and that she discards
acolytes at will; she describes herself as a dreamy romantic, yet
she is universally described as ruthless.

Another person who knew her, and who saw his own political
relationship with Milosevic destroyed in a day, likened Ms.
Markovic to a consuming fire that could burn anyone who comes too
close: "She wants maximum obedience. She's good at provoking
people, and then assesses and judges later, in private, with him.
You can say everything to him and he'll support it and praise it, but
already the next morning everything is different. It will be the way he
agreed with Mira in the night."

An advocate of democracy, it was Ms. Markovic who returned from an
Indian book tour in 1996 to put spine into her husband after the
opposition won local elections. When she heard Danica
Draskovic, the similarly influential wife of one protest leader, Vuk
Draskovic, call for a march on their neighborhood, Ms. Markovic told
Milosevic that the threat was personal to them and their family,
persuading him to overturn the results and ride out the months of
street protests, according to people familiar with events at that time.

Self Revelation, on Sale Weekly

Like her husband, Ms. Markovic largely shuns the public eye.
But she has written extensively, including a bizarre and closely
watched diary published throughout the 1990's in a Belgrade
weekly, Duga.

Through her writings, Ms. Markovic has opened herself to an
unusual degree of judgment and ridicule.

She says that the moon is a planet and that it protects her, so she
wears a moonstone. She spends hours combing her hair -- which
she wears as she did in high school, with bangs -- and resents
anyone interrupting that activity, her writings suggest. She used to
wear a flower in her hair -- plastic when she was poor, real later --
but she stopped when it became a major topic of discussion.

She says she cannot live without mirrors, and she works for a
month to plan the music for the couple's New Year's Eve
celebrations, which she regards as a mystical moment to start
anew. She says she hates flattery but insists on complete loyalty.
Those who cross her are dropped. Four former associates of the
Milosevic family have ended up shot dead, by assailants never
identified, in circumstances never explained.

According to her biographer, Ms. Markovic sees herself as
"paralyzed by small fears but motivated by great ones."

She loves her husband, who is believed never to have been with
another woman. After she met him, her biographer writes, she was
"no longer afraid of the winter, nor darkness, nor mosquitoes, nor
the beginning of the school year, nor a possible C in math." She
says that he was always on her side, whether she was right or
wrong. "What every woman instinctively seeks through her whole
life and few have, she had," Ms. Habjanovic-Djurovic wrote.

They talk many times a day. She praises him "as a man who does
not miss anything that is important to her." She says he remembers
to wake her up at 2 A.M. to wish her a happy first day of spring.

Hints of Condescension Toward Her Husband

But her memoirs also patronize him as limited and dull. "He
was a simple and pragmatic boy who never showed any
inclination for long coffee bar conversations and meditations
aloud," so unlike her own attraction to the intellectuals of the little
town of Pozarevac, where they met and fell in love. She devoured
Sartre novels, loved "Last Year in Marienbad" and wore black, still
her favorite color, because it seemed to her refined.

She formed his tastes in literature and poetry. In quiet evenings she
would recite her favorite lines, which he remembered. "To this day
he utters her thoughts and assessments as his own, unaware of
where she ends and he begins," wrote Ms. Habjanovic-Djurovic in
her lengthy article, published in 1994.

But her sense of herself as much-misunderstood and
much-maligned, appalled by the corruptions of power, is matched
by a powerful sense of persecution and retribution that stems from
her remarkable history.

Mirjana Markovic was born in the woods in July 1942, the offspring
of two Partisan fighters who were famous and later infamous in their
own right. Her father, Moma Markovic, became an important
Communist official after the war, but had little to do, then or later,
with his revolutionary love child.

Her mother, Vera Miletic, used the nom de guerre "Mira," short for
Mirjana, which is how Ms. Markovic still signs her name. But Ms.
Miletic spent only one day with her daughter before returning to the
fight against the Nazis, and she was arrested nine months later. It is
believed she never saw the little girl again. She was executed in
September 1944, just a few weeks before the victorious Partisans
marched into Belgrade.

But Ms. Markovic still keeps what her mother knitted for her in
prison, including the needlework red star of the Communist faith,
woolen booties and a heart with her own name inscribed, according
to her biographer.

Ms. Markovic's earliest memories are of being hidden in a storage
cabinet used for firewood, unable to utter a word, while
anti-Communist Chetniks, fierce Serbian nationalists, searched for
the daughter of the famous Partisan fighter.

It is these searing memories, combined with a sense of
defensiveness and historical injustice, that formed Ms. Markovic.
After she went to live with her grandparents in Pozarevac, her
favorite story was that of Antigone, the young woman in Greek
tragedy who tried to vindicate the memory and restore the reputation
of the beloved brother who defied the tyrant Creon.

And it was in the library, as she sought solace once again in
Antigone's story after getting a C in history, that she first met
Slobodan Milosevic. She was 16; he was 17. "Her sorrow attracted
her to him," Ms. Habjanovic-Djurovic wrote. "He felt the need to
relieve her pain, to protect and cherish her."

But these fierce family tragedies also help explain Ms. Markovic's
devotion to her children, Marija, now 33, and especially to her
25-year-old son, Marko.

She was pregnant with Marija when she married Milosevic in 1965,
and hoped her daughter would be the writer she never was, naming
her after the Partisan heroine Marija Bursac.

But Ms. Markovic, according to the biography, describes her
daughter in harsh terms, calling her "less ambitious, less disciplined
and less sensitive" than herself, "and not romantic at all." Her
daughter married young and went to live in Japan in 1984, the year
Milosevic left banking and entered Communist politics in a serious
and fateful way.

Although she returned and currently runs a popular station, Radio
and Television Kosava, Marija is rarely pictured with her parents.

Limitless Pride For Her Son

But Ms. Markovic is besotted by her son, who flunked out of
high school and became a race-car driver, famous for the
prices of the vehicles he crashed. Marko still lives in
Pozarevac, where he is described by locals as behaving like a "little
lord," abusing people and running a discotheque called "Madonna."

In a strange article in November 1996, Ms. Markovic, with her
ideological bent, tried to reconcile Serbia's traditional values with her
own. She described "three images of time" that hang on her wall,
three heroes who personify the Serbian spirit. Her choices were St.
Nikola, the patron saint of her mother's family; her mother, as an
18-year-old high-school senior from a rich family who chose instead
to join the Communist youth organization, and her son, Marko, at the
wheel of his BMW.

Each personified the age, she said: Byzantine, Partisan and the
modern era of computers. "In my value system," she wrote, "these
three images are eminently compatible."

Even today, she reacts fiercely if her son is criticized, seeing it as
an attack on the nation. In one of the odder documents of this war,
she published an angry response to the British Foreign Secretary,
Robin Cook, who said that she and her children were not in
Yugoslavia under the bombs.

"You wanted to send a message to the world public that my children
and I are dishonest and fearful," she wrote. "To your regret and to
our fortune, you will not succeed in your intentions -- not when my
country nor my family is concerned."

All remain in the country, she said. "My children have highly
developed patriotic sentiments, they are indeed courageous, rather
smart and extremely beautiful."

Marko, she said, "is in uniform and cares about his small new
family," and indeed, he has been shown on television wandering
through Pozarevac in a military-like uniform, carrying a Kalashnikov,
although he is not believed to be in the army.

Clearly furious, Ms. Markovic ended her letter, "very disrespectfully
yours." And there was a P.S. "I just remembered -- you said we had
five villas abroad. We do not have any, of course." Partly for
financial reasons, she said. "But why should we, even if we could?
Our country is so beautiful."

With her husband under indictment as a war criminal, he is liable to
be arrested if he goes abroad, so her fierce pride in Yugoslavia's
beauty is fortunate.

Yet in the musings that Ms. Habjanovic-Djurovic recorded, Ms.
Markovic imagined a different future. When she turns 60 in 2002,
she wants Milosevic to be through with politics and on vacation with
her abroad, at a Swiss resort.

"She sees the two of them in Lugano eating ice cream. She wears a
white dress and a flower in her hair, and from that distant, cold,
windy Pozarevac street, a melancholy girl asks her with
seriousness, 'How much can a human being really decide about
one's life?"'

---

Mrs Arbour 'forgot' to incict one more person.....
But not for long.....

Zoja