LMAO... "lady like mannerisms"

Hairy do you believe the crap that you write... like I said before - You just keep getting more and more lucid the longer you post.

Kissako;

"Came on-board as vulgar and will be finished such" - what does that mean?!? LOL. What are you trying to say? refer to my post to Dimitri.

I don't pay much attention to you kissako because I already know who you are; an angry Jew who basis his political beliefs on the notion of who has abused your ancestors more - X or Y? You are simple to figure out because all the hatred gives you AWAY. You should at once apply for KKK membership. Although you might have to give an opinion on some subject other than cutting and pasting.

Later kids...

Later kids...
* Bye, nailed clown.

KISSIE DARLINK:

Better believe he got nailed. He ran like a wounded rabbit...HA HA HA HA.

Once again, he resorted to vulgarity in his very last posting to you which I won't repeat. I am sure you'll agree, there is a big difference between humorous posting with comically oriented semi-vulgar overtones and downright nasty vulgar insinuations which he clearly displays. Vulgarity is not restricted to strickly curse words as he so wrongly perceves "There is no need for his brand of vulgarity and the sooner he realizes it the better off he'll be in life."

In quoting the nit wit. "Like I said ..you get more and more LUCID the longer you post"...what a joke..poor clown dosen't even know the definition of the word LUCID or how to use it. i.e., lucid adj. 1. easily understood; intelligible; a lucid explanation. 2. rational; sane; a lucid moment in his life. 3. glowing with light etc etc etc.

Or maybe he does understand and he's paying me a resounding compliment on my writing skills. HA HA yea right.

At any rate Kissie, thought I'd convey my feeling about his posting to you.

HM

Hi, Mary.
Thanks.
Quite a "boxing glove" clown isn't he?:o)))))

In the Cheberloy District fighting is intensifying. Large Russian units are trying to gain control of the main mountain routes and of the tactical heights in this region. In order to do so, they apply their common tactics of landing great masses of troops in one zone and trying to enlarge the area controlled by these units afterwards.

The units of the mujahideen frustrated the enemy's efforts to land troops several times, killing about 130 so-called spetsnaz men in various armed clashes.

After having concentrated many units and armoured vehicles near the village of Sharoy, the Russians tried to enter the Cheberloy District and fortify new positions three times during the last five days.

Fierce fighting with Russian forces outnumbering the mujahideen has been going in the Cheberloy District since yesterday. The Chechens are holding their positions and are counter-attacking the enemy periodically. The Chechen command announces heavy Russian casualties. Eight armoured vehicles were knocked out. During the last 24 hours not less than 150 soldiers were killed.

Russian scouting unit destroyed near the River Vashtar

British documentary substantiates US-KLA collusion in provoking war with Serbia
Related Sunday Times article alleges CIA role
By Chris Marsden
16 March 2000
Use this version to print

On Sunday, March 12, Britain's BBC2 television channel ran a documentary by Alan Little entitled "Moral Combat: NATO At War". The program contained damning evidence of how the Clinton administration set out to create a pretext for declaring war against the Milosevic regime in Serbia by sponsoring the separatist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), then pressed this decision on its European allies. The revelations in the documentary were reinforced by an accompanying article in the Sunday Times.

Little conducted frank interviews with leading players in the Kosovo conflict, the most pertinent being those with US Secretary of State Madeline Albright, Assistant Secretary of State James Rubin, US Envoy Richard Holbrooke, William Walker, head of the UN Verification Mission, and KLA leader Hashim Thaci. These were supplemented by many others.

The documentary set out to explain how "a shared enmity towards Milosevic" made "allies of a shadowy band of guerrillas and the most powerful nations on earth”.

Ever since the Bosnian war of 1995, the KLA, seeking to capitalise on popular resentment among Kosovan Albanians against the regime in Belgrade, had pursued a strategy of destabilising the Serbian province of Kosovo by acts of terrorism, in the hope that the US and NATO would intervene. They ambushed Serb patrols and killed policemen.

"Any armed action we undertook would bring retaliation against civilians," KLA leader Thaci explained. "We knew we were endangering a great number of civilian lives." The benefits of this strategy were made plain by Dug Gorani, a Kosovo Albanian negotiator not tied to the KLA: "The more civilians were killed, the chances of international intervention became bigger, and the KLA of course realised that. There was this foreign diplomat who once told me, 'Look, unless you pass the quota of five thousand deaths you'll never have anybody permanently present in Kosovo from foreign diplomacy.'"

Albright was receptive to the KLA's strategy because the US was anxious to stage a military conflict with Serbia. Her series of interviews began chillingly with the words: "I believed in the ultimate power, the goodness of the power of the allies and led by the United States." The KLA's campaign of provocations was seized upon as the vehicle through which the use of this power could be sanctioned.

A March 5, 1998 attack by the Serbian army on the home in Prekaz of a leading KLA commander, Adem Jashari, in which 53 people died, became the occasion for a meeting of the Contact group of NATO powers four days later. Albright pushed for a tough anti-Serbian response. "I thought it behoved me to say to my colleagues that we could not repeat the kinds of mistakes that had happened over Bosnia, where there was a lot of talk and no action," she told Little.

NATO threatened Belgrade with a military response for the first time. "The ambitions of the KLA, and the intentions of the NATO allies, were converging," Little commented. He then showed how a subsequent public meeting between US Envoy Richard Holbrooke and KLA personnel at Junik angered Belgrade and gave encouragement to the Albanian separatists. General Nebojsa Pavkovic, the commander of the Yugoslav army in Kosovo, states, "When the official ambassador of another country arrives here, ignores state officials, but holds a meeting with the Albanian terrorists, then it's quite clear they are getting support."

Lirak Cejal, a KLA soldier, went further, "I knew that since then, that the USA, NATO, will put us in their hands. They were looking for the head of the KLA, and when they found it they will have it in their hand, and then they will control the KLA."

By October 1998 NATO had succeeded in imposing a cease-fire agreement, partly by threat of force and partly because of Serbia's success in routing the KLA. A cease-fire monitoring force [the Kosovo Verification Mission] was sent into the province under the auspices of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and headed by William Walker.

The interview with Cejal is the only reference to US control of the KLA in Little's documentary, and then it is only anecdotal. It seems that the BBC for its own reasons chose to back-pedal on this issue, given the article in the Sunday Times that ran the same day Little's documentary was aired.

Times journalists Tom Walker and Aidan Laverty wrote: "Several Americans who were directly involved in CIA activities or close to them have spoken to the makers of Moral Combat, a documentary to be broadcast on BBC2 tonight, and to The Sunday Times about their clandestine roles ‘in giving covert assistance to the KLA' before NATO began its bombing campaign in Kosovo."

The Sunday Times explained that the anonymous sources "admitted they helped to train the Kosovo Liberation Army". They add that CIA officers were "cease-fire monitors in Kosovo in 1998 and 1999, developing ties with the KLA and giving American military training manuals and field advice on fighting the Yugoslav army and Serbian police.”

The Times article continued: "When the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), which co-ordinated the monitoring, left Kosovo a week before airstrikes began a year ago, many of its satellite telephones and global positioning systems were secretly handed to the KLA, ensuring that guerrilla commanders could stay in touch with NATO and Washington. Several KLA leaders had the mobile phone number of General Wesley Clark, the NATO commander."

The article goes on to cite unnamed "European diplomats then working for the OSCE" who "claim it was betrayed by an American policy that made air strikes inevitable." They cite a European envoy accusing OSCE head of mission Walker of running a CIA operation: "The American agenda consisted of their diplomatic observers, aka the CIA, operating on completely different terms to the rest of Europe and the OSCE."

Walker was the American ambassador to El Salvador when the US was helping to suppress leftist rebels there and is widely suspected of being a CIA operative. He denies this, but admitted to the Sunday Times that the CIA was almost certainly involved in the countdown to air strikes: "Overnight we went from having a handful of people to 130 or more. Could the agency have put them in at that point? Sure they could. It's their job."

The newspaper cites the more candid comments of its CIA sources: "It was a CIA front, gathering intelligence on the KLA's arms and leadership," one says. "I'd tell them [the KLA] which hill to avoid, which wood to go behind, that sort of thing," said another.

To back up these claims, the Sunday Times notes that Shaban Shala, a KLA commander now active in the campaign to destabilise ethnic Albanian areas in Serbia, claims to have met British, American and Swiss agents in northern Albania in 1996.

Little's BBC documentary makes no such explicit suggestion of CIA backing for the KLA, but it does put flesh on the bones of how the cease-fire became the occasion for strengthening the separatists' grip on Kosovo. He explains that wherever the Serbs withdrew their forces in compliance with the agreement, the KLA moved in. KLA military leader Agim Ceku says, "The cease-fire was very useful for us, it helped us to get organised, to consolidate and grow." Nothing was done to prevent this, despite Serbian protests.

Little explains that the BBC has obtained confidential minutes of the North Atlantic Council or NAC, NATO's governing body, which state that the KLA was "the main initiator of the violence" and that privately Walker called its actions a "deliberate campaign of provocation". It was this covert backing for the KLA by the US which provoked Serbia into ending its cease-fire and sending the army back into Kosovo.

The next major turn of events leading up to NATO's war against Serbia was the alleged massacre of ethnic Albanians at Racek on January 15, 1999. To this day, the issue of whether Serbian forces killed civilians in revenge attacks at Racek is hotly contested by Belgrade, which claims that the KLA staged the alleged massacre, using corpses from earlier fighting.

It is certainly the case that when the Serb forces pulled out after announcing the killing of 15 KLA personnel, international monitors who entered the village reported nothing unusual. It was not until the following morning, after the KLA had retaken control of the village, that Walker made a visit and announced that a massacre by the Serbian police and the Yugoslav army had occurred. Little confirms that Walker had contacted both Holbrooke and General Clarke before making his announcement.

Racek was to prove the final pretext for a declaration of war, but first Washington had to make sure that the European powers, which, aside from Britain, were still pushing for a diplomatic solution, would come on board. Talks were convened at Rambouillet, France backed by the threat of war.

Little explains: "The Europeans, some reluctant converts to the threat of force, earnestly pressed for an agreement both the Serbs and the Albanians could accept. But the Americans were more sceptical. They had come to Rambouillet with an alternative outcome in mind."

Both Albright and Rubin are extraordinarily candid about what they set out to accomplish at Rambouillet. They presented an ultimatum that the Serbian government could not possibly accept, because it demanded a NATO occupation of not just Kosovo, but unrestricted access to the whole of Serbia. As Serbian General Pavcovic comments: "They would have unlimited rights of movement and deployment, little short of occupation. Nobody could accept it."

This was the US's intention. Albright told the BBC: "If the Serbs would not agree [to the Rambouillet ultimatum], and the Albanians would agree, then there was a very clear cause for using force." Rubin added, "Obviously, publicly, we had to make clear we were seeking an agreement, but privately we knew the chances of the Serbs agreeing were quite small."

KLA leader Thaci was the only problem, because he was demanding the inclusion of a referendum on independence. So Albright was despatched on St. Valentines Day to take charge of winning him over. Veton Suroi, a political rival of the KLA involved in the talks, gives a candid description of Albright's message to Thaci: "She was saying, you sign, the Serbs don't sign, we bomb. You sign, the Serbs sign, you have NATO in. So it's up to you."

After three weeks of discussions, Thaci finally agreed to sign the Rambouillet Accord. The path was cleared for the US to begin an open war against Serbia, a war that had been prepared with the aid of CIA dirty tricks and political manoeuvring with terrorist forces.

http://www.wsws.org/articles/1999/may1999/stat-m24.shtml

ALL AMERICAN REDNECK FAGGOT you have not even attempted to discuss the subject of this board so why don't you go back to butt slamming your buddies.I have had enough of you and will take steps to get you removed from here.Got that ALL AMERICAN REDNECK FAG

Thanks for info Igor.

Friday, March 17 1:11 AM SGT

Chechen rebels rough it in forests near Komsomolskoya


NEAR KOMSOMOLSKOYA, Russia, March 16 (AFP) -

In the southern Chechnya mountains, covered with shelters hidden by the forest and snow, a troop of 50 Chechen rebels is preparing a new offensive against Russian forces.

After 10 days of violent fighting, the rebel stronghold of Komsomolskoya fell to Russian soldiers on Wednesday, but the separatists successfully retreated to their bases in these mountains.

At an altitude of 1,000 metres (3,300 feet), in the middle of the wilderness, a small group of men aged 18 to 35 have installed themselves in barely-visible shelters dug into the ground.

Temperatures that drop to well below freezing at night are only bearable because the shelters are heated, an AFP journalist who lived in them for several days reported.

But even if the heating breaks down, firewood is easily available -- the surrounding forests were ripped to shreds by Russian shelling.

"We have several bases like this in the region. Each can house 50 men," said Alekhan, one of the rebels.

"We have prepared food reserves for several months. We knew that we would need it," said Ali, a base leader and aid to the southern region's commander, Rouslan Geulayev.

Meals usually consist of cornmeal, smoked meats and wild onions that grow in the area. Mountain brooks provide water.

But this base has no doctors or nurses and only a few first aid items.

"We all have basic rescue knowledge to give first aid in case of injury," a rebel said, adding that they learned a lot from the first Russia-Chechnya war which raged from December 1994 to August 1996.

"We now have orders to rest and build up our weapons reserves to prepare for battle against the Russians in the spring," Ali said.

Each fighter is armed with a grenade launcher and a machine gun. The group also has two heavy machine guns taken from Russian trenches during combat.

RUSSIAN DUMPING

"We buy many weapons from Russian soldiers and sometimes from officers. The prices are insane, much cheaper than before the war," said rebel Israil.

Grenades and bullets can be bought for a few dollars or traded for a little hashish.

The men have learned to supply themselves with weapons and food but communication with headquarters and other units is problematic. Messengers are used to run information among bases.

But none of these conditions seems to lower morale.

"We are waiting for the start of the spring campaign. What counts, is that we are prepared to carry out an attack against the Russians," Ali said.

Some, like Israil, appear impatient to get started.

"I cannot wait any longer. Even without my leaders' orders, I will carry out operations with my men," said the former official of the Chechen secret service, who directed a group specialized in sabotage during the previous Chechen war.

GOOD LUCK, MAN!!!

1. Horry up, and thank Mr. Putin

http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000316/wl/russia_chechnya_1ky.html

2. I wonder if these faggots survised subsequent clashes with chechens.

http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000315/wl/russia_chechnya_o6g.html

3. This one did not ...
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000315/wl/russia_chechnya_hjh.html

4. Neither did this one...
http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/nm/20000314/wl/mdf58217.html

Rebel band breaks out, attacks Russians

By LYOMA TURPALOV

ALKHAZUROVO, Russia (March 16, 2000 5:36 p.m. EST http://www.nandotimes.com ) - Exhausted Chechen rebel fighters fleeing Russian forces blame Islamic fundamentalists for wrecking the insurgents' strategy of continuing the war from bases in the mountains.

The haggard fighters, many suffering from frostbite and hunger, say that Wahhabis, members of a fundamentalist sect who were supposed to prepare bases in the mountains for the rebels, betrayed them.

The Wahhabis had been deployed in the mountains since December. After the fall in February of the Chechen capital, Grozny, the rebels retreated to the southern mountains. But instead of aiding the retreating units, the Wahhabi fighters fled, leaving the retreating rebels as prey for Russian jets and artillery, rebel commanders and fighters said in interviews.

"The Wahhabis betrayed us," said Saikhan, a fighter who would only give his first name. "They were supposed to prepare supplies and bases for the guerrilla war. But when we got into the mountains after that grueling march, hoping for a rest, they wouldn't give us a piece of bread."

Another rebel fighter, Zubair, said his battered unit retreating from Grozny reached the mountains and met a group of Wahhabis on a tractor.

"We asked them to put our wounded comrades on a trailer, but they refused," Zubair said. "They don't deserve the name of humans, let alone (Islamic) faithful. They abandon the wounded and don't bury the dead."

None of the rebels interviewed could explain the reason for the split, although some accused the Wahhabis of siding with the Russians to avoid the fighting.

Wahhabis, who are the dominant sect in Saudi Arabia, have imposed their strict interpretation of Islamic law in parts of Dagestan and are disliked by many in neighboring Chechnya.

Wahhabism is known for enforcing public morals and compelling other Muslims to strictly observe Islamic duties such as praying five times daily. The Wahhabis are also resented in the poor region for their wealth, which reportedly comes from kidnapping rings that amassed millions of dollars from ransoms.

Most Chechens are Sufi Muslims, a moderate sect.

Adlan, a rebel commander, said that when his unit recently reached the mountain village of Itum-Kale looking for shelter, the Wahhabis who had been holding the settlement fled. Within hours, Russian troops were dropped on nearby hills. Adlan's men had to fight alone for their lives.

"My boys swore an oath to wage a war on the Wahhabis as soon as the Russians leave," Adlan said.

Unable to stay in the mountains, the rebels tried to slip through Russian lines and reach their villages in the plains. Scores of rebels have been killed and wounded in fighting in recent days, trying to break through.

Arbi Barayev, a Wahhabi chief, left the mountains with some 600 of his men, reportedly buying safe passage from the Russians, according to other rebels. Ordinary rebels, with no money, had to fight their way out.

"The bodies of our comrades still lie on the mountain paths and river beds," Zubair said.

The closer the culmination of the Chechnya war, the more vigorous the West's diatribes against Moscow. The underlying demand is to put a halt to the "inhuman" anti-terrorist operation and to embark on political negotiations with the Chechen side. These appeals have been voiced by Lord Judd, head of a PACE delegation which is just fresh from its trip to the North Caucasus where, according to the travelling MPs, they saw everything they had planned to see. Nevertheless, Lord Judd has declared that none of the ten provisions of the January PACE resolution on the Russian question has been met, including the two main points - ceasefire and arrangements for peaceful talks. If you want peace in earnest, you can sit at a negotiating table with anyone, claims Lord Judd. For the beginning, he says, you can start talks with Aslan Maskhadov. But Moscow is of a different opinion, seeing no prospects for talks with Maskhadov, except within the framework of a criminal action brought about against him.


Acting President Vladimir Putin has referred to Maskhadov as an accomplice of those fighters who are engaged in hostage-taking for ransom: there is evidence that in a telephone talk with a European leader Maskhadov declared his readiness to return two Polish citizens and one French citizen. But no matter what impressive and convincing facts Western emissaries are faced with, they seem to ignore them. So, they come to Chechnya with the purpose of collecting discrediting material against Moscow rather than learning the truth about terrorists, don't they?


Crimes committed by Chechen fighters are no secret in the West. Being well aware of the continued kidnapping, medieval executions and torture, slave-trade, drug trafficking and counterfeit, these Western champions of justice keep lashing out at the federal centre for violation of human rights and the great death toll amid the peaceful population though they can provide no reliable evidence. On the other hand, Chechen extremists who are responsible for unheard-of atrocities both in Chechnya and beyond its confines, who have staged acts of terrorism leaving hundreds of peaceful citizens dead in some Russian towns, have been ever more often referred to by the Western mass media as separatists and even "fighters for independence". However, even most inveterate critics of Russia in the West have to admit that the Chechnya conflict is Russia's internal affair and that Chechnya is an integral part of the Russian Federation. Consequently, Moscow has got every right to defend its territorial integrity and to decide on its own what means to adopt in repelling gangs which involve foreign mercenaries seeking to detach one of Russia's jurisdictions.


The West does not think twice when spreading lies about Chechnya if they of the anti-Russian nature as was the case with the notorious fake by the Bavarian TV company N-24. All Western mass media relished the footage of "atrocities by Russian servicemen" but made no comment when it turned out to be a hoax.


One gets an impression that nobody wants the truth about Chechnya in the West. Evidence of this is the case of Saratov's 13-year-old Alla Geikhman who spent seven months in Chechen captivity and was subject to ruthless torture (the monsters cut two fingers from the girl's hand and delivered them through their agents to her father with the demand of ransom). The girl was finally rescued but she wanted special medical treatment. Eduard Loznasky, the president of Washington's Continent Publishers who was shocked on hearing Alla's story ventured to pay for her treatment in the United States. Besides, he wanted to organise a number of news-conferences for Alla to tell the truth about the Chechen captivity, but to no avail. The Russian girl has been denied visa to the Untied States.


Alla has not been enabled to speak out. Meanwhile, Western emissaries come to Russia now and then to listen to everything that might defame the federal troops' activities in Chechnya. Naturally, there are some destitute Chechen refugees who make sometimes justified but more often unjustified complaints against the Russian army and police, associated with the military operation. These random complaints are passed as "vox populi" and serve as a pretext to pile up ever more accusations against Russia. Lord Judd follows the scheme worked out during the previous trip to the North Caucasus by Council of Europe human rights commissioner Alvaro Gil-Roblez. But what counts above all is that while travelling in the North Caucasus and eagerly commenting on what they saw European champions of human rights do not offer any constructive ideas conducive to more stability in the region and to Chechnya's rehabilitation. It is the burden of Russia alone and this country shall bear it - just, don't be in the way!

http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/specialreports/special26.htm

The KLA is indebted to Balkan drug organizations that helped funnel both cash and arms to the guerrillas before and after the conflict. Kosovo is the heart of a heroin trafficking route that runs from Afghanistan through Turkey and the Balkans and into Western Europe. It now appears that the KLA must pay back the organized crime elements. This would in turn create a surge in heroin trafficking in the coming months, just as it did following the NATO occupation of Bosnia in the mid-1990s.

Two to six tons of heroin, worth 12 times its weight in gold, moves through Turkey toward Eastern Europe each month. The route connecting the Taliban-run opium fields of Afghanistan to Western Europe’s heroin market is worth an estimated $400 billion a year – and is dominated by the Kosovar Albanians. This “Balkan Route” supplies 80 percent of Europe’s heroin.

For the KLA, the Balkan Route is not only a way to ship heroin to Europe for a massive profit, but it also acted as a conduit for weapons filtering into the war-torn Balkans. The smugglers either trade drugs directly for weapons or buy weapons with drug earnings in Albania, Bosnia, Croatia, Cyprus, Italy, Montenegro, Switzerland or Turkey. The arsenal of weapons smuggled into Kosovo has included: anti-aircraft missiles, assault rifles, sniper rifles, mortars, shotguns, grenade launchers, anti-personnel mines and infrared night vision gear, according to a NATO report cited in the Washington Times in June 1999.

There is already anecdotal evidence that the drug trade is flourishing in Kosovo, in full view of international authorities. The bombed out, unpaved streets of Kosovo are the new home to sleek European sports cars with no license plates. There are 20 percent to 25 percent more cars in Kosovo than there were before the war, according to an international police official recently returned from several months in Kosovo. The refugees claim Serbs took the plates, but the black Mercedes are signs of a prospering drug trade.

http://www.stratfor.com/CIS/specialreports/special26.htm